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广州首次出台农田基础设施管护规范性文件，11月1日起实施_包括_办法_我的网站

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原标题：广州首次出台农田基础设施管护规范性文件，11月1日起实施农田设施“三分建、七分管”。

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With pressure mounting to avert a government shutdown, heightened by culture war demands from House conservatives burned by previous brawls, the House speaker faces a difficult decision – risk a shutdown or risk the gavel.

That was 2015. But 2023 is treading a similar course.

For former House Speaker John Boehner, it was the final chapter in a lengthy standoff with House conservatives that contributed to his resignation from Congress after 25 years and almost five in the top job. For current House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, just seven months into his tenure, the outcome remains an open question.

With a looming deadline to fund the government and much left to be accomplished upon Congress’ return from recess, McCarthy and other congressional leaders expressed willingness earlier this month to pass a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded, buying lawmakers more time to work out the 12 appropriations bills they’ve been pursuing. But demands from the House Freedom Caucus have complicated the effort and put McCarthy in yet another bind from the right that analysts say could be the one to put his leadership position on the line.

“This is now the most important fight he faces as speaker and the choice between kind of the campaigning arm, the House Freedom Caucus arm, and the actual governing arm of keeping a government running,” says Casey Burgat, the director of the Legislative Affairs Program at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management.

McCarthy has walked a fine line with the conservatives since the speaker battle, when they took him 15 grueling rounds before granting him his win, and in turn gained the power to bring up a vote for his ouster, lowering the threshold to just a single lawmaker.

So when the House Freedom Caucus announced it would oppose a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded unless certain conservative provisions are includes – like addressing DOJ "weaponization" and ending "woke" Pentagon policies – it prompted a confrontation with McCarthy that’s been brewing and bubbling in fits and starts for months, ready to boil over.

Such legislation would lose support among House Democrats and face steep odds in the Democrat-controlled Senate, making a shutdown likely. But without the support of conservatives on a clean continuing resolution and only a few votes to spare in the GOP narrow majority, McCarthy will likely need to rely on Democrats to approve a stop-gap measure – a move sure to provoke the hard-liners in his caucus.

“This is where his choice comes in,” Burgat says. “If he takes Democratic support, which likely he'll need to do, then that opens himself up to at least a motion to vacate because it only takes one now.”

The contours of the standoff were previewed during the debate over the debt ceiling, as House conservatives demanded controversial spending cuts and policies that put McCarthy in a difficult negotiating position with Democrats and the White House. Ultimately, Democratic votes on the debt ceiling agreement outnumbered Republicans in the House in a turn of events that infuriated some members of the House Freedom Caucus.

That same small but vocal minority – numbering in the mid-30s out of 222 Republicans in the chamber, though the caucus doesn’t publicize the exact number – made their frustration known just days later, when they blocked a routine vote, sending the chamber into a week-long gridlock. At the chamber’s reunification, McCarthy told reporters they had agreed to “sit down and talk more” in future spending negotiations. And shortly after, Republican appropriators agreed to mark up the 12 spending bills well below the levels agreed to in the debt ceiling deal in what appeared to be a major concession made to the House Freedom Caucus that has colored the funding process so far.

But this time, emboldened by the shortcomings in the last fiscal battle, they may come out with a greater show of force, as McCarthy faces what political science professor Rob Mellen Jr. calls a “no win situation.”

“I think this might be the fight they're willing to go to the mat for,” says Mellen, of the University of South Florida. “That this time if he really doesn't feel like he's going to compromise with them and give them what they want, that they may be willing to just say, ‘Hey, we'll shut this down. We'll go that direction, and we'll remove you if you go to the Democrats.’”

Members of the Freedom Caucus have for months suggested that they would be willing to let the government shut down if they don’t agree with the funding package. Indeed, for the conservatives, who largely hail from safe districts, there isn’t much to lose, as analysts note that if the government shuts down and Republicans are blamed, the conservatives won’t be on the chopping block like their colleagues in swing districts.

But some have noted that for the Freedom Caucus, perhaps armed with the understanding that their demands have little chance of becoming reality, the ultimate goal may be McCarthy’s removal after all.

“It just puts McCarthy in this bind and sort of forces his hand almost to do what he did before, which is get the government funded with Democratic votes, and in so doing, they can respond by triggering a call for his removal,” says David C. Barker, professor of government and director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University. “And I think that's what they're agitating toward. That's what they want. That's kind of what they wanted from the beginning. And they've been looking for a mechanism to do it. And I think maybe all along they've planned on this being the one.”

True to form, Rep. Ronny Jackson of Texas didn’t mince words about McCarthy’s dilemma with the Freedom Caucus last week, calling a motion to oust McCarthy “inevitable” if he continues to rely on Democrats.

“McCarthy’s going to have to listen to the people on the right or else he’s going to have to rely on the Democrats to pass this,” Jackson said on Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast. “But I’m telling you if that happens, I mean, it’s going to be detrimental to leadership in the House if they blow off the concerns of the people like myself and Freedom Caucus and some of the other people on the right that are making reasonable demands in this process – it’s going to be a problem.”

Whether McCarthy can rely on Democrats to back a CR is one thing. But whether they’ll protect his gavel is another matter altogether.

Some dynamics suggest at least some Democrats would come to his aid, like reports of a coalition of Democrats offering McCarthy a deal during the debt ceiling fight that they would help him keep his job should he responsibly raise the debt ceiling. Another calculation for Democrats is McCarthy’s possible replacement, who likely wouldn’t align more closely with their positions, making McCarthy’s retention arguably in Democrats' best interest.

But even if McCarthy survives a motion for his ouster with the help of Democrats or calls conservatives’ bluff and his speakership isn’t ultimately threatened, analysts say his hold on the conference will remain shaky and his ability to get things done stunted.

“He can only afford to lose four. And if there's 40 that are just mad at him all the time, then they're going to be reluctant to support him even if it's on things that they want to,” Burgat says. “They've proven willing to shut down the chamber even when it's run by their own party. And so, as much as he'll defang them on this one vote, he'll need them again for any Republican priorities to be passed out of the House heading into an election year.”

It’s a dynamic that haunted Boehner for years and ultimately contributed to his early departure. And the House Freedom Caucus has only grown bigger and more brash, releasing statements and listing demands publicly, while McCarthy’s margin is just a fraction of what the former speaker’s was in 2015.

“McCarthy is closer to being one of them than Boehner ever was,” Barker says. “Boehner really was more of a traditional Chamber of Commerce-type of Republican whereas McCarthy stylistically and policy-wise for some time now has been a MAGA-friendly flame thrower right in line with them. He certainly was during the Trump years. And so, you know, it just shows their willingness to eat their own.”

Unlike McCarthy, Boehner was already on his way out, planning to resign months later, when he made the decision to step down. Even then, he noted that had he not been planning to leave, he wouldn’t have done so when talk of a motion to vacate began swirling.

“It was never about the vote. There was never any doubt about whether I could survive a vote, but I don’t want my members to have to go through this, and I certainly don’t want the institution to go through this, especially when I knew I was thinking about walking out the door anyway,” he told reporters at the time.

When asked what advice he would give to McCarthy, then his presumed successor, he urged the California Republican to protect the institution. And when questioned by another reporter about whether the next speaker would ultimately face the same fate, he earnestly replied.

。近日，广州市农业农村局在全省率先制定了《广州市农田基础设施管护办法》（以下简称《办法》）。《办法》经市人民政府同意，于2022年11月1日起实施，有效期为5年。据了解，该《办法》是广州首次针对农田基础设施管护工作制定出台的部门规范性文件，是农田建设项目管理领域改革创新的重要举措，对管护责任、管护范围和内容、管护经费筹措与管理、财政资金管护项目流程、监督考核等方面进行明确，有助于全市农田基础设施管护工作有序、高效、持续发展，扎实推进广州农田建设事业高质量发展。

C | 管护范围：涵盖两大类10小类42种主要设施根据《办法》，农田基础设施管护是指对农田基础设施进行日常检查和定期检查中发现的轻微和局部损坏进行的修理、保养和防护，以及每年按计划定期进行的整修和养护，以维持工程完好，保持项目的设计功能，保证工程正常运行与长期发挥效益。《办法》指出，管护范围主要包括高标准农田设施以及农田水利设施两大类10小类42种主要设施的管护内容。重点加强田间灌排系统、道路、输配电等设施的管护。其中，高标准农田设施管护主要包括几大类：一是土壤改良监测，主要包括土壤质量监测站（点）及附属设施；二是田间道路，主要包括田间道、生产路、桥、涵，及其配套设施；三是农田防护与生态环境保持，主要包括农田林网、岸坡防护设施、沟道治理设施、农田废弃物收集设施、生物通道及配套设施；四是农田输配电，主要包括输电线路、变配电设施及其配套设施；以及其他方面，包括公示碑（牌）、项目购置设备等。农田水利设施管护内容主要包括五大类：一是小型取水设施及配套设施，主要包括井、泵、井房、井台、管道、涵、闸、配电等设施；二是蓄水设施及配套设施，主要包括陂、坝、引水渠等设施；三是灌排水设施及配套设施，主要包括各类渠道、排水沟和渠系建筑物；四是高效节水灌溉设施及配套设施，主要包括供水、输水管道、压力表、减压阀、配电等设施；五是附属设施，包括防护栏、警示牌、计量装置等设施。

D | 管护主体：实行市、区、镇（街）分级管理《办法》明确，广州农田基础设施按照“谁所有、谁管护”的原则确定管护主体。未明确产权归属或产权不明晰的，按照“谁受益、谁管护，谁使用、谁管护”的原则确定管护主体。整体上看，农田基础设施管护工作实行市、区、镇（街）分级管理。区政府是农田基础设施管护的责任主体，镇政府（街道办）履行属地管理职责，市、区农业农村主管部门负有监管责任。《办法》提出，市农业农村主管部门负责指导全市农田建设项目管护工作，制定市级管护制度、标准和规范，加强培训和监督管理，建立农田基础设施管护评价体系，并负责监督检查各区农业农村主管部门开展管护工作的进度与成效。

E | 区农业农村主管部门负责监督指导本行政区域内农田基础设施管护工作，组织并督促管护问题的整改落实，指导镇政府（街道办）、村民委员会或农业经营主体签订管护协议。镇政府（街道办）则负责所属的农田基础设施管护的具体组织实施和管理，督促已流转农田的流入方落实管护责任。《办法》还指出，村级组织和农民群众是农田基础设施的直接受益主体，应主动参与设施管护。村级组织对所属农田基础设施承担管护责任。如委托村民、农民合作社或者社会力量等代管的，村级组织要承担监督责任。并且，村级组织应采取多种形式组织引导农民参与农田基础设施管护。值得一提的是，《办法》特别提到，农田基础设施管护项目实行年度验收制。市、区农业农村主管部门应加强对农田基础设施管护工作的监督检查，将管护工作情况作为农田建设工作评价的重要指标，列入粮食安全考核、耕地保护目标责任考核。经费筹措与管理：按农田基础设施产权所有划定落实农田基础设施管护工作是一项长期的系统性工作，离不开各类经费支撑，如何有效筹措并管理好管护经费？《办法》首先明确，在确保符合各类资金使用管理规定的前提下，产权归政府或其授权部门所有的农田基础设施，管护资金可通过按规定统筹整合各级涉农资金筹集；产权划归村级组织所有的，主要由村集体经济收益或自主筹资筹劳等予以保障。《办法》特别指出，可探索开展高标准农田建设项目金融保险等方式拓宽管护经费来源渠道。村级组织可通过提取公益金、村民“一事一议”制度等，积极筹措管护资金。

F | 集体经济实力强的村通过从集体收益中提取资金作为管护资金。《办法》提到，区农业农村主管部门应组织开展年度资金需求申报，将应由政府承担的农田基础设施管护经费纳入本级部门预算予以保障。若是纳入市级涉农资金管理的农田建设项目结余资金，可按照涉农资金统筹整合管理相关规定，统筹用于农田基础设施管护。同时，《办法》鼓励镇政府（街道办）设立农田基础设施管护员，负责农田基础设施日常巡查工作。管护员可由村干部兼任，也可通过设立公益岗予以安排。

G | 管护员由镇政府（街道办）统一管理，人员补助经费由镇政府（街道办）发放。

H | 针对财政资金安排的管护经费，《办法》明确主要用于设计使用期内的公共农田基础设施日常维修养护，必要的小型简易管护工具和运行监测设备购置等，发放管护员人员补助经费。

I | 此类经费由区农业农村主管部门负责，按预算管理规定和管护工作进度等据实支出，确保专款专用，不得挤占、截留、挪用，当年结余由财政收回。使用财政资金开展农田基础设施管护可以由区农业农村主管部门统一购买服务，也可以由镇政府（街道办）各自购买服务。采写：南都记者莫郅骅通讯员穗农宣返回搜狐，查看更多责任编辑：

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